The nation's clearinghouse for election audit information!
Hart History
By VTUSA
December 01, 2005
Hart Intercivic
15500 Wells Port Drive
Austin, TX 78728
512.252.6400
800.223.HART
FAX: 512.252.6466
For an overview of the company's history, see VP Neil McClure EAC Testimony.
Hart InterCivic morphed out of Hart Graphics, a printing company
founded in 1912. In recent years, as the document industry moved
increasingly from paper to electronic formats, Hart developed extensive
digitized business with governmental agencies. In 1999, the
government-related portion of the business spun into the completely
separate Hart InterCivic, which is becoming a major national player in
the growing DRE-machine industry.
Hart's product is called the eSlate – a small electronic tablet, of
sorts, specialized for casting ballots in elections. In the summer of
2002, Travis Co. Clerk Dana DeBeauvoir purchased several hundred
eSlates and gave them a successful trial run in the early voting period
of the November 2002 elections. The county went whole hog into e-voting
in the spring 2003 Austin municipal elections, scrapping its optical
scanning system altogether. DeBeauvoir says her choice of eSlate was
not simply an attempt to Buy Greater Austin, but that Hart InterCivic's
machine has several obvious advantages over its rivals.
Unlike Hart's major competitors, the eSlate does not use a
touch screen. "I had trouble with calibration issues on the touch
screens," DeBeauvoir says, meaning that the onscreen "buttons" that the
voter presses sometimes slip out of alignment with the proper sensors
underneath the screen. "Not all of them, but some of them. It's what
happened in Dallas [during early voting in the 2002 general election,
on ES&S machines]; you end up maybe casting a ballot for the other
candidate and don't realize it. They've done some things in the
industry to try to improve it since I first looked at it, so in
fairness to them, I think they have improved their product, but at the
time I was doing the review I found it troubling."
Instead, eSlate uses a wheel-and-button system – the voter
turns a dial until the candidate of choice is highlighted, and then
presses a button to select the candidate, never touching the screen.
(As in all DRE systems, the voter can correct errors before finally
pressing the "cast ballot" button.)
Secondly, eSlate does not use "smart cards," credit-card-sized
devices given by the election workers to voters, who plug them into a
voter terminal, letting the machine know that the person standing
before it is indeed a legitimate voter. The Rice/Johns Hopkinsresearchers
say that it would be terribly easy to "homebrew" such cards, which an
attacker could then sneak into the polling place and use to cast
multiple votes. The eSlate voters, in contrast, are assigned unique
personal identification numbers when they show up at the polling place,
which they then enter into the voting machine. The number's validity
expires either upon casting the ballot, or, if unused, within a fewminutes of its assignment.
Perhaps most important, the eSlate system has no external
connections – no hookups to phone lines, the Internet, or an intranet.
While some systems allow results to be sent by modem to a central
vote-counting facility, the eSlate is comparatively old-fashioned –
much like an old-style ballot box, the devices ("mediums") into which
votes are recorded are removed by the election judges after the polls
close and physically transported to the central counting station.
For initial funding, Hart went to Triton Ventures,
a wholly-owned subsidiary of Triton Energy, a firm that primarily
exploits oil fields in Colombia. Triton, in turn, is a subsidiary of
Amerada Hess.(1)
The $3.5 million
awarded by Triton in 1999 didn’t last long, but the Help America Vote
Act, with its massive allocation of federal money, hovered just over
the horizon. In October 2000, Hart picked up $32.5 million more from
five sources. 45 In 2002, it raised another $7.5 million. (2)
RES Partners,
which invested in Hart’s second and third rounds, is an entity that
represents Richard Salwen, retired Dell Computer Corporation vice
president, general counsel and corporate secretary, who had also worked
with Perot Systems and EDS. Salwen is a heavy contributor to George W.
Bush and the Republican Party. (3)
Hart’s
most politically charged investor is an arm of Hicks, Muse, Tate &
Furst, which was founded and is chaired by Tom Hicks. Hicks bought the
Texas Rangers in 1999, making George W. Bush a millionaire 15 times
over. Tom Hicks and his investment company are invested in Hart
Intercivic through Stratford Capital. They are also heavily
invested in Clear Channel Communications, the controversial
radio-raider that muscled a thousand U.S. radio outlets into a
more conservative message. (4)
In Orange County, California, and in the state of Ohio, Hart Intercivic entered into a joint enterprise called Maximus/Hart-InterCivic/DFM Associates, led by Maximus Inc.
Maximus Inc.
is a gigantic privatizer of social services. It cuts deals with state
governments to handle child-support collections, implement
welfare-to-work and oversee managed care and HMO programs.
A
Wisconsin legislative audit report found that Maximus spent more than
$400,000 of state money on unauthorized expenses and found $1.6 million
that Maximus couldn’t properly document. These unauthorized
expenses included a party for staff members at a posh Lake Geneva
resort; $23,637 for “fanny packs” to promote the company, with the
bills sent to the state; and entertainment of staff and clients by
actress Melba Moore. Maximus settled for $1 million. (5) Maximus
jumped into the smart-card business and soon afterward entered the
elections industry through an alliance with Hart Intercivic.
Tom Hicks, the biggest
investor in Maximus/HartIntercivic, whose voting machines are used in
Orange County, bought the Rangers from Bush for many millions more than
was paid for the team a few years before by the soon-to-be governor and
president, thus in effect financing his various political campaigns.
Until recently, Hicks has had an office at the Longworth Building in
D.C. close to GOP allies. (source)
(1) – Hoover’s Company Profiles, 11 March 2002; Triton Energy Limited.
(2) – InformationWeek, 2 October 2000; “Cost Of Compliance”
(3) – Austin Business Journal, 8 November 2001; “Investors cast $7.5M vote for Hart InterCivic.”
(4) – CN group web site and Open Secrets.
(5) – Global Energy Business, 1 August 2001; “CAES: Ready for prime time” 34 Vol. 3, No. 4”